Direito UERJ 2018.2
Universidade do Estado do rio de Janeiro
sexta-feira, 31 de agosto de 2012
Escaping Misery From Darfur to Lebanon
The disappearance of the protestors came after the UNHCR asked the Ramlet al-Bayda police station to arrest the refugees and to move them away from the building’s main entrance. (Photo: Marwan Bu Haidar)
The UNHCR moved against the Sudanese refugees that have been on hunger strike in front of the UN agency building in Beirut for two months now. The fate of the 13 arrested by Lebanese police remains uncertain.
On Saturday morning, the Sudanese refugees were no longer to be found in front of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) building in Beirut, where they had been camped out and on a hunger strike since the beginning of June.
Their disappearance came after the UNHCR asked the Ramlet al-Bayda police station to arrest the refugees and to move them away from the building’s main entrance.
To increase the pressure on the UN agency, the refugees had shut down the entrance last week. Consequently, the police took 13 refugees to the station, then handed them over to General Security.
The refugees do not believe the UNHCR when it says that it does not have a solution, and that the real problem is with the embassies of the countries where resettlement is possible. “If the UNHCR cannot find a solution,” some of them say, “then they should close down.” Others insist that when the UNHCR puts pressure on the embassies, they get what they want. The proof, they say, is that three of the protesters were given dates to travel 55 days after they began their protests. Two will travel on August 8, and a third on August 16.
However, the other thirteen, who are now under arrest, are still staring into the unknown, a journey they began when they left Sudan.
Just before their arrest, the protesters sat on a few pieces of cardboard and some small cushions and told their life stories – the lives they lived in their own country, the lives they are terrified of being sent back to now.
No matter how bad their conditions are at the moment in Lebanon or any other place, they do not want to go back to Darfur. Most of them are from the war-torn region of Darfur, and all are from non-Arab African tribes.
According to them, to be a “non-Arab” in Sudan means one simply does not exist. Haroun says that Darfur got its name because it has “so many al-Fur people.” He and Ali belong to the African al-Fur tribe, which forms the majority of the province.
Over there – at least among their tribe – the term “Negro” is not considered an insult. They say clearly that they belong to the Negro tribes, which are different from the Arab tribes. Their blackness, they say, has brought them racial discrimination in a country where the darkness of your skin is not supposed make any difference.
Haroun lived in Corfeh Gharb, west of Kutum – an area which has not seen any development or progress. However, Haroun says, before the war, Darfurians lived a quiet and simple life – the life of people who did not know that they were going about their daily lives on top of a vast wealth of gold, oil, and uranium. The people in Darfur relied mainly on agriculture. In his area, people waited every week for the Monday Fono market, where farmers displayed their produce and people bought their weekly supplies. The small farmer would only sell his products on market day in his own area. Those more prosperous would travel on their animals between markets, which are set up in a different area of the province every day.
Haroun was not a farmer – he studied accounting at Khartoum University. When he finished, he returned to his village in Darfur at the behest of charities which had been set up to encourage educated Darfuri young men to go back to region to help in its development. Haroun went back to teach in his village’s elementary school, because there was no secondary or higher education available there.
Haroun the school teacher did his job without being paid, because the charities called for voluntary work for the good of the area. However, his pupils’ parents insisted on rewarding him, so they farmed a piece of land for him and brought him the produce from it.
Here, the story ends. The war, which intensified in 2002, brought their lives to a halt. Haroun tells the story of how government-backed Janjaweed militias invaded the province and carried out a campaign of ethnic cleansing.
Ikhlas has a similar story. She comes from the Nubian mountains. All that she can recall from the war is the disemboweled bodies, strewn across the roads. Some members of her family were among the dead. Her father, however, escaped when the security forces threatened to kill him because he voted against the government.
Ikhlas’s husband came to Lebanon as a refugee in 1996. They sent her to him as a bride in 2003, when she was still 15 years old. With her husband and children, she lived through the July War in Lebanon. She did not think of leaving like others of different nationalities, because what she witnessed during the July War was more merciful, as she says, than what is happening in her part of the world.
“In the 2006 war in Lebanon, despite the shelling, people still had something to eat and drink and were able to reach hospitals. In our wars, the food disappears, so we go out and eat the leaves off the trees,” she says. All that Ikhlas wants today is for her children to be educated, so that they do not have to suffer like she did. But she worries that the Caritas schools which they attend are not officially recognized.
“Jumbo” also remembers his village in Darfur. His eyes well up when he thinks about the Janjaweed killing his parents. He had reached Lebanon by the time he received the news.
Jumbo does not want to go back to his home. He wants to bring up his children far away from both Darfur and Lebanon, in a country that respects their humanity and color.
He arrived in Lebanon in 2001, but he was only given documents recognizing him as a refugee a few months ago, he says. So how long will he have to wait to be resettled?
This article is an edited translation from the Arabic Edition.
On Saturday morning, the Sudanese refugees were no longer to be found in front of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) building in Beirut, where they had been camped out and on a hunger strike since the beginning of June.
Their disappearance came after the UNHCR asked the Ramlet al-Bayda police station to arrest the refugees and to move them away from the building’s main entrance.
To increase the pressure on the UN agency, the refugees had shut down the entrance last week. Consequently, the police took 13 refugees to the station, then handed them over to General Security.
The refugees do not believe the UNHCR when it says that it does not have a solution, and that the real problem is with the embassies of the countries where resettlement is possible. “If the UNHCR cannot find a solution,” some of them say, “then they should close down.” Others insist that when the UNHCR puts pressure on the embassies, they get what they want. The proof, they say, is that three of the protesters were given dates to travel 55 days after they began their protests. Two will travel on August 8, and a third on August 16.
However, the other thirteen, who are now under arrest, are still staring into the unknown, a journey they began when they left Sudan.
Just before their arrest, the protesters sat on a few pieces of cardboard and some small cushions and told their life stories – the lives they lived in their own country, the lives they are terrified of being sent back to now.
No matter how bad their conditions are at the moment in Lebanon or any other place, they do not want to go back to Darfur. Most of them are from the war-torn region of Darfur, and all are from non-Arab African tribes.
According to them, to be a “non-Arab” in Sudan means one simply does not exist. Haroun says that Darfur got its name because it has “so many al-Fur people.” He and Ali belong to the African al-Fur tribe, which forms the majority of the province.
Over there – at least among their tribe – the term “Negro” is not considered an insult. They say clearly that they belong to the Negro tribes, which are different from the Arab tribes. Their blackness, they say, has brought them racial discrimination in a country where the darkness of your skin is not supposed make any difference.
Haroun lived in Corfeh Gharb, west of Kutum – an area which has not seen any development or progress. However, Haroun says, before the war, Darfurians lived a quiet and simple life – the life of people who did not know that they were going about their daily lives on top of a vast wealth of gold, oil, and uranium. The people in Darfur relied mainly on agriculture. In his area, people waited every week for the Monday Fono market, where farmers displayed their produce and people bought their weekly supplies. The small farmer would only sell his products on market day in his own area. Those more prosperous would travel on their animals between markets, which are set up in a different area of the province every day.
Haroun was not a farmer – he studied accounting at Khartoum University. When he finished, he returned to his village in Darfur at the behest of charities which had been set up to encourage educated Darfuri young men to go back to region to help in its development. Haroun went back to teach in his village’s elementary school, because there was no secondary or higher education available there.
Haroun the school teacher did his job without being paid, because the charities called for voluntary work for the good of the area. However, his pupils’ parents insisted on rewarding him, so they farmed a piece of land for him and brought him the produce from it.
Here, the story ends. The war, which intensified in 2002, brought their lives to a halt. Haroun tells the story of how government-backed Janjaweed militias invaded the province and carried out a campaign of ethnic cleansing.
Ikhlas has a similar story. She comes from the Nubian mountains. All that she can recall from the war is the disemboweled bodies, strewn across the roads. Some members of her family were among the dead. Her father, however, escaped when the security forces threatened to kill him because he voted against the government.
Ikhlas’s husband came to Lebanon as a refugee in 1996. They sent her to him as a bride in 2003, when she was still 15 years old. With her husband and children, she lived through the July War in Lebanon. She did not think of leaving like others of different nationalities, because what she witnessed during the July War was more merciful, as she says, than what is happening in her part of the world.
“In the 2006 war in Lebanon, despite the shelling, people still had something to eat and drink and were able to reach hospitals. In our wars, the food disappears, so we go out and eat the leaves off the trees,” she says. All that Ikhlas wants today is for her children to be educated, so that they do not have to suffer like she did. But she worries that the Caritas schools which they attend are not officially recognized.
“Jumbo” also remembers his village in Darfur. His eyes well up when he thinks about the Janjaweed killing his parents. He had reached Lebanon by the time he received the news.
Jumbo does not want to go back to his home. He wants to bring up his children far away from both Darfur and Lebanon, in a country that respects their humanity and color.
He arrived in Lebanon in 2001, but he was only given documents recognizing him as a refugee a few months ago, he says. So how long will he have to wait to be resettled?
This article is an edited translation from the Arabic Edition.
Lebanon’s Sudanese Refugees: Behind Bars for their Protest
One refugee suffers from hepatitis and was quarantined in a solitary wing. The others were fine, but the social worker told us that four of them have developed allergies, due to the prison being underground. (Photo: Haitham Moussawi)
On Thursday August 30, the Lebanese General Security Directorate (GSD) invited Al-Akhbar to tour the detention center where 13 Sudanese refugees are being held.
This came after several reports by Al-Akhbar on the refugees who held a two-month hunger strike outside the premises of the United Nations Higher Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) before their sit-in was forcibly ended and 13 of them were taken into custody.
A letter written by the detainees and published two days ago said that one of them had set fire to his mattress in the cell and was subsequently beaten and tied up by members of the GSD.
At the prison, we waited for some time while the refugees were being prepared to meet us and be photographed.
Before they arrived, members of the security forces insisted that neither the Sudanese nor anyone else in the prison had been beaten. They explained that because they were not being interrogated, there was no need for cruelty or violence.
In the small internal courtyard, the detainees met their families while still in handcuffs. An officer said it was necessary for the safety of the detainees and the visitors. He explained that on August 21, the public prosecution – whose decision everyone was waiting for – left it up to the GSD to decide the fate of the detained refugees.
The officer maintained that the reason behind the prosecutor’s decision was the lack of space to hold them.
Leaving them in the hands of the GSD will mean that the issue will not be handled as one case. Each refugee will now be dealt with individually, based on each one’s file at the UNHCR.
According to the officer, the UN agency had set the date of resettlement for three of them and they will be able to leave on schedule.
The others will be dealt with separately according to their status. Those with closed files will face problems because they will be considered “illegal foreigners” and will either have to find a Lebanese sponsor or be deported.
UNHCR’s spokeswoman Dana Suleiman said that none of the detained refugees have a closed file. Given the commission’s behavior so far, however, it is hard to take their word.
Following almost a month of denials – since the beginning of the refugees' detention – the UNHCR admitted for the first time that it had requested the arrest of the refugees because they held a sit-in outside its doors.
The protest did not affect the day-to-day functioning of the commission as the agency’s staff and visitors used an alternative entrance.
Back in the GSD prison, the refugees we met did not appear to be beaten or physically tortured, but they were broken. They wanted to know what will happen to them.
A Caritas social worker at the prison described their health conditions in detail and informed us of the types of medication they need.
One refugee suffers from hepatitis and was quarantined in a solitary wing. The others were fine, but the social worker told us that four of them have developed allergies, due to the prison being underground.
“It is a problem that prisoners and prison guards suffer from equally. The government needs to find a solution,” the officer said.
As for the legal status of the refugees, he explained that “one of them did have residency papers, so he was released. But the others entered the country illegally, which is punishable by a month in prison.”
He denied that the released detainee was forced to sign a guarantee that he will not protest or enter the premises of the UNHCR without the agency’s permission.
Mohammed, a 17-year-old detainee, was lost in bureaucratic red tape. We helped the officer look for him in the files, but could not find him. When his friends were brought out to meet us, he was with them.
A few days ago, his mother waited outside the UNHCR building to find out when her son will be released, but received no answer.
The GSD officer informed us that since Mohammed is not an adult, they might consider moving him to another cell, but his release is still contingent on his UNHCR file.
Ever since the arrest of the refugees on August 4, the GSD has been exchanging accusations with the UNHCR about who was responsible. Despite the UNHCR’s admission that they had called in the security forces, Suleiman is convinced the organization is doing its job of protecting the refugees, because it has been working on their release since the first day.
Suleiman repeats the mantra of the UNHCR staff, who said they had warned the refugees several times before calling the police. The refugees would not listen to their warning and move away from the entrance, so they had to call the police, she explained.
“Since our goal is to make the lives of refugees easier, we will not leave them in jail. We have been working since they were arrested, to release them,” she insisted.
Given that the credibility of UNHCR has been badly dented in the refugees eyes, can it convince them that it is working in their interest?
This article is an edited translation from the Arabic Edition.
This came after several reports by Al-Akhbar on the refugees who held a two-month hunger strike outside the premises of the United Nations Higher Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) before their sit-in was forcibly ended and 13 of them were taken into custody.
A letter written by the detainees and published two days ago said that one of them had set fire to his mattress in the cell and was subsequently beaten and tied up by members of the GSD.
At the prison, we waited for some time while the refugees were being prepared to meet us and be photographed.
Before they arrived, members of the security forces insisted that neither the Sudanese nor anyone else in the prison had been beaten. They explained that because they were not being interrogated, there was no need for cruelty or violence.
In the small internal courtyard, the detainees met their families while still in handcuffs. An officer said it was necessary for the safety of the detainees and the visitors. He explained that on August 21, the public prosecution – whose decision everyone was waiting for – left it up to the GSD to decide the fate of the detained refugees.
The officer maintained that the reason behind the prosecutor’s decision was the lack of space to hold them.
Leaving them in the hands of the GSD will mean that the issue will not be handled as one case. Each refugee will now be dealt with individually, based on each one’s file at the UNHCR.
According to the officer, the UN agency had set the date of resettlement for three of them and they will be able to leave on schedule.
The others will be dealt with separately according to their status. Those with closed files will face problems because they will be considered “illegal foreigners” and will either have to find a Lebanese sponsor or be deported.
UNHCR’s spokeswoman Dana Suleiman said that none of the detained refugees have a closed file. Given the commission’s behavior so far, however, it is hard to take their word.
Following almost a month of denials – since the beginning of the refugees' detention – the UNHCR admitted for the first time that it had requested the arrest of the refugees because they held a sit-in outside its doors.
The protest did not affect the day-to-day functioning of the commission as the agency’s staff and visitors used an alternative entrance.
Back in the GSD prison, the refugees we met did not appear to be beaten or physically tortured, but they were broken. They wanted to know what will happen to them.
A Caritas social worker at the prison described their health conditions in detail and informed us of the types of medication they need.
One refugee suffers from hepatitis and was quarantined in a solitary wing. The others were fine, but the social worker told us that four of them have developed allergies, due to the prison being underground.
“It is a problem that prisoners and prison guards suffer from equally. The government needs to find a solution,” the officer said.
As for the legal status of the refugees, he explained that “one of them did have residency papers, so he was released. But the others entered the country illegally, which is punishable by a month in prison.”
He denied that the released detainee was forced to sign a guarantee that he will not protest or enter the premises of the UNHCR without the agency’s permission.
Mohammed, a 17-year-old detainee, was lost in bureaucratic red tape. We helped the officer look for him in the files, but could not find him. When his friends were brought out to meet us, he was with them.
A few days ago, his mother waited outside the UNHCR building to find out when her son will be released, but received no answer.
The GSD officer informed us that since Mohammed is not an adult, they might consider moving him to another cell, but his release is still contingent on his UNHCR file.
Ever since the arrest of the refugees on August 4, the GSD has been exchanging accusations with the UNHCR about who was responsible. Despite the UNHCR’s admission that they had called in the security forces, Suleiman is convinced the organization is doing its job of protecting the refugees, because it has been working on their release since the first day.
Suleiman repeats the mantra of the UNHCR staff, who said they had warned the refugees several times before calling the police. The refugees would not listen to their warning and move away from the entrance, so they had to call the police, she explained.
“Since our goal is to make the lives of refugees easier, we will not leave them in jail. We have been working since they were arrested, to release them,” she insisted.
Given that the credibility of UNHCR has been badly dented in the refugees eyes, can it convince them that it is working in their interest?
This article is an edited translation from the Arabic Edition.
quinta-feira, 30 de agosto de 2012
quarta-feira, 29 de agosto de 2012
segunda-feira, 27 de agosto de 2012
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En un mensaje a la nación, el mandatario derrocado hace dos meses expresó que sus seguidores trabajan todos los días "por la restauración y el retorno de una vigorosa democracia" a Paraguay, informó el diario Última Hora.
En la sede del Frente Guasú, en Asunción, Lugo manifestó que "el mundo se dio cuenta que aquí hubo un golpe de Estado. Ya no pueden ocultar eso, aun cuando medios afines a este gobierno de facto anunciaron que se tenían 27 votos para no sancionar a Paraguay en la OEA, pero esto al final no ocurrió".
Debido al golpe de Estado, "estamos fuera del Mercosur, Parlasur, Parlatino y en cualquier representación internacional no tenemos cabida", recordó Lugo.
El mandatario legítimo recordó que durante su gestión beneficiaron a "personas de la tercera edad, jóvenes, campesinos, estudiantes y artistas", pero los sectores opositores "tuvieron miedo de la participación, de lo contrario sus prácticas tradicionales tendrían fin".
El 23 de junio pasado, los legisladores de derecha del Parlamento, que forma la mayoría, aprobaron un juicio político contra el jefe de Estado y en menos de 24 horas votaron a favor de su destitución.
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Desde que asumió el gobierno de facto en el país se ha acrecentado la represión contra los campesinos que reclaman sus tierras y se han multiplicado las denuncias por el apoyo del Ejecutivo a multinacionales como Monstanto y Cargill, que monopolizan la explotación de la agricultura.
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http://nascimentosampaio.blogspot.com.br/2012/08/jornal-do-brasil-cultura-musa-da-cpi.html?showComment=1346096878460
__________________________________________________________________________
“Escolhe teu diálogo e tua melhor palavra ou teu melhor silêncio.
Mesmo no silêncio e com o silêncio dialogamos.” Carlos Drumond de Andrade
“Não basta abrir a janela para ver os campos e o rio.
Não é bastante não ser cego para ver as árvores e as flores”.
Fernando Pessoa
“Escolhe teu diálogo e tua melhor palavra ou teu melhor silêncio.
Mesmo no silêncio e com o silêncio dialogamos.” Carlos Drumond de Andrade
“Para navegar contra a corrente são necessárias condições raras: espírito de aventura, coragem, perseverança e paixão”.Nise da Silveira
“Se você é capaz de tremer de indignação a cada vez que se comete uma injustiça no mundo, então somos companheiros”. Che Guevara
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Heroína dos 200m em Pequim morre a caminho da Itália
Velocista somali Samia Yusuf Omar após prova nas Olimpíadas de Pequim-2008.
Nos Jogos Olímpicos de Pequim-08, o Ninho do Passáro, estádio que recebeu as competições de atletismo, aplaudiu uma atleta somali que, pelo simples fato de estar competindo, já era uma heroína. Na prova dos 200m, Samia Yusuf Omar chegou em último, quase dez segundos após a primeira colocada. Símbolo do espírito olímpico, a atleta morreu em 2011 tentando chegar à Itália.
A história só veio à tona agora, em um relato feito por Abdi Bile, campeão mundial dos 1500m em 1987, ao jornal italiano 'Corriere della Sera'. Segundo Bile, a atleta foi vítima do naufrágio de um barco clandestino que partiu da Líbia em direção à Itália no ano passado.O desempenho da atleta em Pequim refletiu o total descaso do governo da Somália, que não deu nenhum apoio para Samia Yusuf Omar por não acreditar que uma mulher fosse capaz de representar o país no esporte. Mesmo assim, a velocista conseguiu classificação para os Jogos e, apesar de chegar na última colocação em sua bateria, estabeleceu seu novo recorde pessoal com o tempo de 32s16.
Para a Olímpiada de 2012, Samia passou a treinar na Etiópia com Eshetu Tura, medalha de bronze nos 3000m com barreiras na Olimpíada de Moscou, em 1980. Buscando melhores condições de treinamento, a somali tentou chegar à Itália, viagem que acabou causando sua morte.
Notícia do Yahoo Esportes
Quartier Général - Mon bébé vient au monde trop tôt : le combat pour la vie
por Direct8
Retrouvez toutes les vidéos du programme sur : http://www.direct8.fr/programs/quartier-general
Présenté par Adrienne de Malleray
En 2010, en France, 65 000 enfants sont nés prématurés, soit près d'un enfant sur 10.10 000 d'entre eux sont des «grands prématurés». Pour accueillir ces enfants, des maternités de niveau 3 ont été créées. La maternité de l'hôpital Robert Debré est l'une d'entre elles.- «Quartier général» a suivi le service de néonatologie pendant plusieurs mois. Tous les jours, des accouchements en urgence comme celui de Séverina, enceinte de 34 semaines. Pas le temps pour la péridurale, elle va accoucher d'une petite fille six semaines avant terme.- Dans le service de grossesses à risques, Alexandra n'en est qu'à six mois de grossesse. Elle est atteinte de pré-éclampsie, une maladie du placenta qui empêche le bon développement de l'enfant et qui menace aussi sa propre vie. Un accouchement prématuré est inévitable.- À 21 ans, Amina attend des triplés, ce sont ses premiers enfants, elle a été hospitalisée dès son sixième mois de grossesse. Repos maximum obligatoire. Malgré les précautions, Amina va accoucher beaucoup plus tôt que prévu.- En moyenne, les prématurés restent neuf jours en néonatologie, mais certains bébés y restent parfois plusieurs mois. Pour les parents, c'est le temps des allers-retours quotidiens entre l'hôpital et la maison, une attente douloureuse. Pour s'occuper de ces bébés et de leurs parents, médecins, sages-femmes et infirmières s'activent nuit et jour. «Quartier général» a suivi Marie et Karine, deux infirmières qui côtoient la vie... et parfois la mort.
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